PDF Brasilidade Revolucionária (Portuguese Edition)

Free download. Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device. You can download and read online Brasilidade Revolucionária (Portuguese Edition) file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with Brasilidade Revolucionária (Portuguese Edition) book. Happy reading Brasilidade Revolucionária (Portuguese Edition) Bookeveryone. Download file Free Book PDF Brasilidade Revolucionária (Portuguese Edition) at Complete PDF Library. This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats. Here is The CompletePDF Book Library. It's free to register here to get Book file PDF Brasilidade Revolucionária (Portuguese Edition) Pocket Guide.
Mais Bonita por Menos
Contents:


  1. Mocidade Independente de Padre Miguel
  2. Related titles
  3. Marisa Matias | Revolvy
  4. Marisa Matias

Having a constitution was a major accomplishment for that small coun- try. After becoming independent in from Portugal, whose colony it had been since the fifteenth century, Timor was occupied by Indonesia for the next twenty-five years, and had to secure its freedom again at a heavy toll in human lives. Spoken by about a million people in , it is now estimated to be the first language of some million people, a figure that shoots up to million if we include secondary speakers, that is people who have learned Portuguese as a second language www.

Though approximate, such figures put Portuguese in sixth place among the languages with the largest number of speakers, after Man- darin Chinese, English, Spanish, Hindi, and Arabic Crystal In what follows we will review the main points of the external history of Portuguese,. From the last centuries of the Empire until the emergence of Portugal as a sovereign state in the twelfth century, the language now called Portuguese gradually took shape as a spoken tongue, largely overshadowed by the universality of medieval Latin as the medium of written communication. To the south and to the east of Gallaecia lay another Roman province, named Lusitania, after a mythical demi-god, Luso Lat Lusus , a son of Bacchus and the legendary founder of Portugal.

Over the centuries, the Latin spoken in Gallaecia would change into a Romance speech which in turn gave origin to two closely related languages, namely Galician, still spoken in that region, and Portuguese, which spread southward in the wake of conquest and settlement. Soldiers, settlers, and administrators all spoke Latin, and although Rome did not care what language subjected peoples actually spoke — learning Latin was considered a privilege rather than a duty — the prestige of Roman civ- ilization, manifested by an impressive network of paved roads, bridges, aque- ducts, temples, theaters, public baths, circuses, and an administrative organiza- tion unparalleled in the ancient world, led the original inhabitants of Hispania to adopt the language and customs of the Romans.

The ensuing isolation led to increasing regional differentiation in the Latin spoken in Hispania and elsewhere. Beginning in the first decade of the fifth century, a series of invasions by Germanic tribes such as the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Alans culminated, in the early sixth century, with the arrival of the Visigoths. These either enslaved, killed off or drove away their predecessors, with the exception of the Suevi, who maintained a small kingdom in Gallaecia until about , when they too were conquered by the Visigoths. By the end of the sixth century the Visigothic kingdom, which had Toledo as its capital, extended all over the peninsula, though its suzerainty over the Basque Country remained nominal, as the Roman domination had been — a factor that permitted survival of the Basque language until our days.

Even in the heyday of the Roman Empire the speech of the inhabitants of the peninsula was essentially popular Latin, which differed noticeably from the literary Latin we learn at school. By the end of the sixth century, however, that speech had changed even further, into something considerably different from Latin as it was still spoken and written, as a learned language, by a literate minority associated primarily with clerical life. Map 1. In other words, everyone spoke Romance, and a few, usually members of the clergy, also learned to speak and write medieval Latin.

By the peninsula had been divided Map 1. Christian domination. The latter area, which included a few strongholds in the mountains of Asturias, the Basque region, and a string of fortifications called the Spanish March, set up by Charlemagne — along the Pyrenees, would eventually be divided into several Christian kingdoms and counties which, for the next seven centuries, fought to reconquer the territory lost to the invaders.

Also in , the Christians holding out in the mountains of Asturias achieved a small victory over a detachment of Moors in a skirmish celebrated in legend as the battle of Covadonga, traditionally held to be the beginning of the reconquest which culminated in the fall of Granada to the Catholic Monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella in In the Christian area, start- ing at the Mediterranean end of the Pyrenees, in the region around Barcelona, there arose Catalan, which was carried to Valencia, Alicante, and the Balearic Islands in the first half or the thirteenth century by military conquest.

Immedi- ately to the west a group of closely related vernaculars known to linguists as Navarro-Aragonese developed. In an initially small area around and north of Burgos, there was another Romance known as Castilian, which in time would extend over most of the peninsula and develop into modern Spanish. To the west of Castilian there developed a Romance speech known as Leonese, or Asturian-Leonese, parent of the various bables, as the vernaculars spoken in Asturias are still called. Finally, in the northwest corner of the peninsula, in the former Roman province of Gallaecia, was born the vernacular which linguists refer to as Galician-Portuguese, the parent of modern Galician as well as of Portuguese.

By the eleventh century the kingdom of Castile Sp Castilla had acquired hegemony over Leon and Galicia and was leading the reconquest of Muslim Spain. Another consequence was the presence of French noble- men who came to seek fortune in frequent campaigns waged against the Muslim states of Al-Andalus.

N IA N-. After several major victories and setbacks, the drive southward was completed by Afonso III, the fifth Portuguese king, who conquered the Algarve in Portuguese independence also blocked the expansion of Castilian into the south- west of the Iberian Peninsula, notwithstanding the union of the Portuguese and Spanish crowns from to , which had no linguistic sequels. As regards prose, although the first document in a language recognizable as Portuguese is dated from about or 5. This preference was made mandatory in by his successor, Dinis, himself a renowned poet in the Galician- Portuguese tradition.

The end of the fifteenth century and the first half of the sixteenth was a period of intense change. A major political event was the end of Muslim sovereignty in Spain with the capture of the kingdom of Granada by the Catholic Monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, in In the same year these monarchs promulgated the expulsion of all Jews who would not convert to Catholicism, some sixty thousand of whom sought refuge in Portugal, where they soon had again to choose between conversion or expulsion.

In Luther reportedly nailed his ninety-five theses onto the door of the Castle Church in Wittenberg, thus launching the Reformation.

Mocidade Independente de Padre Miguel

In Garcia de Resende — published the Cancioneiro Geral, a compilation of courtly poetry. Change, how- ever, was in motion for both the culture and the language of Portugal. There was enough change in the air to attract the Inqui- sition, introduced in to protect souls by burning unrepentant bodies and heretical books, for which an underground market was made possible by the movable type press, developed by Gutenberg in Among books unwel- come in the peninsular kingdoms were those by the great humanist thinker Erasmus? The prevailing eagerness for new things clamored for a renovated language, and as it adjusted to new cultural realities, Portuguese shaped a mod- ern image for itself.

Linguistic features considered too close to Galician were eschewed 6. After Portuguese and Galician split, their paths diverged substantially. Whereas Portuguese acquired full autonomy by becoming the official language of an independent state, Galician found itself limited to oral communication at the local level and excluded from an official role in public administration, education, and the higher forms of literary expression.

Such limitations caused Galician to be not only subordinated to Spanish but also progressively infiltrated by it, particularly in the lexicon and morphosyntax. All in all, the task of normalizing and unifying local varieties, described by Teyssier as essential to forge a modern Galician language, is still unfinished. Back in the sixteenth century, Portuguese seafarers were busy exploring the coast of Africa.

Macao Pg Macau. Inflation was rampant, and the Crown had neither the people nor the means to run such a far-flung empire. To make things worse, from the end of the sixteenth century it faced increasingly strong competition from the Netherlands and England. Furthermore, when Portugal was ruled by Spanish kings for dynastic reasons between and , Portuguese ships and colonies became a legal target for those competing nations, then at war with Spain. As a result, by the middle of the seventeenth century the Por- tuguese possessions were fast being lost to the Dutch and the British.


  1. The Pet Sitter: Parrot Pandemonium.
  2. Fire (The Akasha Series Book 3).
  3. Portuguese_ A Linguistic Introduction - Milton Mariano Azevedo.
  4. Short Stories in French (French Edition).
  5. Tales of Old Japan?
  6. Women MEPs for Portugal?

There was also Brazil, where gold was discovered in By the end of the eighteenth century it is estimated the Crown had received between one and three thousand tons of gold and over two million carats in diamonds Saraiva Most of those riches reportedly went to English bankers, but Portugal, though impoverished and sorely taxed by the effort, had succeeded in opening up the oceans and making Portuguese an international language.

A pidgin is a grammatically simplified hybrid language, with words from two or more languages, created through continuing interaction of people who do not have a language in com- mon. Pidginized versions of Portuguese have supposedly been used since the fifteenth century in the Mediterranean and along the coast of Africa, where Portuguese sailors and traders came into contact with speakers of African lan- guages. Thus a creole may become the primary language of a formerly pidgin-speaking community. One of the consequences of intermarriage between Portuguese settlers and natives of Africa and Asia was the development of several Portuguese-based creoles, some of which are still spoken.

In the Malay peninsula and the Indonesian archipelago the growth of Malayo-Portuguese creoles came in the wake of trading posts, which were lost to the Dutch in the seventeenth century; the sole exception was Macao, which remained Portuguese until it was turned over to China in December In Portugal lost Brazil, and in the twentieth century, all of its remaining colonies.

In Asia, Portuguese is an official language only in East Timor pop. On the east coast there is Mozambique pop. Off the west coast of Africa lie the two small island countries, Cape Verde pop. In these countries, however, despite its official status, Portuguese is the native language of only a minority, and outside the larger cities relatively few people speak it fluently as a second language 6.

As we will see in Chapter 6, the coexistence of creoles and African languages spoken by different ethnic groups poses a unique situation for the future of Portuguese in these regions. The presence of Portuguese speakers in European countries e. France, ca. Immigration with substantial linguistic consequences, however, started in the early nineteenth century, when whalers from the Azores — soon followed by oth- ers from Cape Verde, mostly creole speakers — began to settle in New England Newport, New Bedford, Cape Cod and Rhode Island. It was Azoreans who made up most of the Portuguese com- munity in California, although there were also immigrants from Madeira and continental Portugal.

Figures for showed , Portuguese immigrants living in Canada and 55, in Australia Rocha-Trindade a As in the United States, a sizeable body of Portuguese-language literature exists in Canada Joel The country extends over 3,, square miles slightly over the 3,, square miles of the forty-eight contiguous US states, or over six times the combined area of Germany, France, and Spain.

As colonization expanded, the territory was further divided and more governors appointed, but by the beginning of the nineteenth century the colonial enterprise was exhausted Prado Junior —6 and resentment against its exploitative practices inten- sified. Since becoming independent, Brazil has followed a totally separate path, politically as well as culturally, from the other Portuguese-speaking lands, a circumstance that has contributed to the specific character of Brazilian Por- tuguese. Whereas in the African countries Portuguese is the native speech only of a minority, in Brazil it has been for generations the native language of a majority of the population.

Also, contact with the languages spoken by the indigenous inhabitants, by African slaves, and by immigrants, as well as the influence of exogenous cultures — French, British, American — have had substan- tially different results in Brazil than in Africa or Asia. According to Article 13 of the Brazilian Constitution, Portuguese is the only official language. It is, however, too early to speculate on the possible impact, if any, that such measures might have on Portuguese.

Defining itself as an organization based on the commonality of the Portuguese language, the CPLP proposes to undertake joint action in cultural, economic, and educa- tional fields. One of its projects includes the establishment of an International Institute of the Portuguese Language. It would be premature to speculate about the extent to which such activities may influence the learning of Portuguese as a second language in those countries where, its official status notwithstanding, it is actually a minority language.

Likewise, Portuguese in Brazil has changed in a variety of ways since the sixteenth century, and today a standard for Brazilian Portuguese BP , partially different from the standard for European Portuguese EP , is clearly distin- guishable. This is hardly surprising, for a language can only remain relatively homogeneous if it is used by a speech community small enough to allow con- tinuous feedback among its members, and isolated enough to prevent influence from other languages.

That is definitely not the case of either English or Portuguese, which are spoken by millions of people over a vast territory. Others have claimed that the language spoken in Brazil though not its written variety is a language different from that spoken in Portugal Perini This book adopts the viewpoint that, while substantial differences exist between BP and EP, they are outweighed by the similarities, and consequently BP and EP are varieties of the same language. Our presentation will concentrate on what is common to both varieties and focus on contrasts whenever appropriate.

Learners of Portuguese make their individual choice on the basis of personal preferences or practical reasons — such as an intention to travel, work, or live in one country or the other — but soon find out that learning to use one variety does not preclude understanding the other. Since most of the press in Portugal or Brazil uses a standardized language, educated persons familiar with either variety encounter little difficulty in reading most articles in a newspaper or news magazine written in the other. Copy written in a more colloquial language — by definition a local feature — is bound to present difficulties of the kind an American would find in a British publication or a Briton in an American one.

Clearly, difficulties due to lack of familiarity with national or local events, or to references to specific institutions or persons — like the puzzlement experienced by an American trying to figure out a news item on cricket or that felt by a Briton trying to read an article on baseball — are cultural and circumstantial rather than linguistic. Differences in speech are more intensely felt, and familiarity with one variety does not ensure immediate comprehension of the other. Pronuncia- tion plays a major role in this.

Like Spanish or Italian, Brazilian Portuguese articulates vowels rather clearly. In contrast, in European Portuguese unstressed vowels tend to be weakly articulated or altogether eliminated, and even a short utterance includes sequences of consonants that do not occur in Brazilian Portuguese 2. Consequently, while speakers of European Portuguese find it relatively easy to figure out Brazilian pronunciation, those familiar with the lat- ter alone may require major adjustments to become comfortable with European Portuguese.

Learners need not feel embarrassed about this, since Brazilians visiting Portugal often find themselves in the same predicament. Comprehension, however, is a relative matter: educated speakers of BP and EP talking about a topic with which they are both familiar should experience minimal difficulty in understanding each other.

On the other hand, either might have a hard time following a heated argument in very colloquial style in the other variety. The ultimate test, if you are a soccer fan, may well be listening to a radio broadcast of a match: if you can follow you should have no difficulty with other language styles. Whereas in the late nineteenth century J. Furthermore, some European universities offer separate courses in European Portuguese and Brazilian Portuguese Endruschat Whilst European Portuguese continues to provide a linguistic frame of refer- ence for the African countries, the development of local standards is currently a topic of debate among African linguists 6.

Brazilian Portuguese, in turn, may be expected to serve as the model of choice for Portuguese as a second language in neighboring regions such as the Southern Cone, where Brazilians increas- ingly interact with Argentinians, Chileans, Uruguayans, and Paraguayans. As this brief overview suggests, Portuguese is a richly diverse language, sporting as much variation as other languages which, like English or Spanish, have spread themselves far and wide over the globe.

In projecting itself beyond its original territory, Portuguese has served a variety of communicative pur- poses, as the native language not only of immigrants and settlers but also of communities only remotely connected with their European roots. It has been a contact language for individuals who depended on it for communication, trade, or even survival. It is the heritage language of communities which, while proud of their Portuguese descent, have shifted to another primary language. It has even served as a foundation for new pidgin and creole languages, some of which are still spoken.

We would be pursuing a chimera if we thought something so variegated could ever remain immutable through time and space, and present the same facies everywhere. The only way to come to terms with Portuguese — as with English — is to accept it as a plural linguistic entity. Once the basic vocabulary and structures have been acquired, learners venture beyond the artificial predictability of classroom practices and instruction manu- als to be confronted with a remarkable degree of variation, manifested in surpris- ing departures from standard morphological details and syntactic arrangements.

Portuguese official; Mirandese has official local status; others include Galician, creole varieties,. Learners would do well to keep in mind that, for all its importance, the grammar of a language is only one element in a complex system that functions as both a cognitive tool and a means of interaction in socially defined contexts. Such an attitude is particularly damaging in coming to terms with Brazilian Portuguese, where there is marked divergence between popular speech and educated speech, on the one hand, and between speech and writing on the other.

Another misconception to be avoided is that the written language is somehow superior to speech, or that any depar- tures from the written norm, such as occur in spontaneous speech, are to be regarded as deviations from an ideal of correctness. Perhaps the most important thing to keep in mind, in approaching Portuguese, is that a flexible attitude towards diversity will go a long way towards understanding its var- ious manifestations, all of them legitimate means of individual and cultural expression for millions of people around the world.

Although used for talking, those organs are primarily involved in breathing and eating. Furthermore, not all sounds produced by them are actually used in speech. Heavy breathing, Bronx cheers, catcalls, or whistles of various kinds, loaded with meaning as they may be, are not phones. Phones occur in speech in sequences called syllables 2.

Although the exact nature of syllables is a matter of debate among linguists, you can develop a feel for them simply by humming a song while keeping the beat by tapping your foot. In Portuguese as in English, in every word of two or more syllables there is one that is pronounced louder than the others.

That extra degree of loudness is known as lexical stress 2. Nor is ordinary writ- ing, which represents speech in a conventional, almost stylized manner. The Portuguese alphabet has twenty-three letters a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, j, l, m, n, o, p, q, r, s, t, u, v, x, z , to which k, y, w are added to write words from other lan- guages. Books published up to the early twentieth century show other consonant com- binations that have since been abolished, such as ph pharmacia, mod. An additional inconvenience is that the same phone may be represented by more than one letter:.

Portugal or central Brazil such words are pronounced with a tch-like sound like ch in chat, cheap. To overcome the inconsistencies of ordinary spelling linguists use systems of phonetic transcription. Examples are intended to illustrate specific phones, although in many cases other pronunciations for the same words are possible. For European Por- tuguese EP , the accent of reference is that of educated speakers from the city of Lisbon.

Certain pronunciation variations heard in regional or social accents will be mentioned in later chapters. Transcriptions, unless otherwise indicated, reflect the pronunciation that cor- responds basically to the consultative style described in Joos It is the relatively unmonitored pronunciation used by educated speakers in situations that entail neither disdain for correctness nor concern for elegance, and in which they aim at sounding neither too distant nor too chummy.

In the following sections we will analyze Portuguese phones from two com- plementary viewpoints, namely how they are articulated, which is the purview of articulatory phonetics 2. Breathing involves the lungs, the bronchi, the trachea or windpipe , and the larynx. Above the larynx and beginning with the pharynx, we distinguish the oral tract and the nasal tract, which together constitute the vocal tract, where most of the articulation process takes place. The oral tract includes the mouth and its organs, such as the tongue, the teeth, the lips, the alveolar ridge, the hard palate, the soft palate or velum, and the uvula.

For descriptive purposes the tongue is divided in several areas, namely the tip, the blade which extends about half an inch behind the tip , and the dorsum, each of which participates in the formation of specific phones.

Related titles

The space between the vocal cords constitutes the glottis, a triangular opening leading into the pharynx. As the vocal cords tense up and the glottis narrows, the pressure of egressive air causes them to vibrate. You can also feel the contrast between voiced and voiceless phones by pronouncing continuous phones like vvvv-ffff-vvvv-ffff or zzzz-ssss-zzzz-ssss, or th as in that and th as in think: ththth-ththth-ththth-ththth. You will develop a much sounder grasp of practical phonetics if you do similar experiments as we go along, so as to get a feel for the position and movement of the speech organs as they articulate each phone.

It will also help to systematically relate the articulation of each phone to the respective phonetic terminology, as the terms reflect very closely what goes on in your speech apparatus. Most phones are formed as air exits through the oral tract, while the nasal tract is blocked off by the tip of the velum touching the pharynx wall. Such sounds are called oral. If, however, the tip of the velum is lowered, blocking the oral tract, air goes out through the nasal tract, causing a resonance known as nasality.

In what follows, let us keep in mind that we are talking about phones, not letters. This kind of phone has the fundamental characteristic of vowels, of being articulated without any obstruction to the passage of air Table 2. Now to get a feel for how vowels vary, repeat the experiment, alternating the vowels of words like see, ah, low, do: eeee-aaaah-ooooh-oooo. You will notice that the specific quality, or timbre, of this long vocalic sound is modulated by factors like the position of the tongue, or the shape of the lips.

According to the relative height of the tongue, vowels are classified as high, mid, or low. Depending on the degree of horizontal fronting or backing of the tongue, they are classified as front, central, or back. These terms refer to the position of articulation of a given vowel in relation to the other vowels, rather than to any precise location inside the oral tract Ladefoged Back vowels Table 2. Like vowels, glides are phones formed without any obstacle to the passage of air Table 2. Unlike a vowel, however, a glide cannot be the center of a syllable, nor can it be pronounced in isolation 2.

Rather, a glide is always articulated next to a vowel, either before it onglide or after it offglide. Since the tongue can only move so far without encountering an obstacle such as the palate, for example , the possible duration of a glide is minimal. In forming an offglide, the tongue moves away from the position of a vowel. Conversely, the back glide [w] is formed as the tongue moves towards or away from the position of articulation of the vowel [u] near the velum.

See section 2. See Table 2. Consonants, on the contrary, are always formed when there is an obstacle blocking, wholly or partially, the passage of air Table 2. Three criteria are used for classifying consonants. One is voicing: if the vocal cords vibrate see the examples in section 2. Consonants other than stops involve a partial obstacle. In BP the alveolar trill [r] has largely been displaced by a glottal see below fricative transcribed as [h]. Retroflex: The tip of the tongue is raised and turned backwards towards the pre-palatal region, as in the pronunciaton of r in American English.

Dental and alveolar: For dental phones, the tongue touches the inner surface of the front teeth, and for alveolar phones it touches the alveolar ridge. Glottal: The articulation is made in the glottis by a movement of the vocal cords.

In this case we refer to them as phonemeso. The basic property of phonemes is that they signal differences in meaning. It is conventional to transcribe phonemes between slashes to differentiate them from phonetic transcriptions. Phones with similar articulation may correspond to separate phonemes in one language and variants of the same phoneme in another. The symbols for the phonemes of Portuguese and their allophones are shown in Tables 2. A phonological process is either categorical or variable.

Both these cases of feature change or addition illustrate assimilationo , a process whereby a phoneme becomes more like a neighboring phoneme. For Portuguese nasal vow- els, there are two basic options. This process of phonetic nasalization by assimilation varies not only region- ally but also from one speaker to another. An unstressed vowel may be either final or non-final, and in the latter case it may be pre-stressed or post-stressed. In EP unstressed vowels tend to be shortened, compressed, or eliminated altogether, which imparts an overall consonantal character to pronunciation.

The vowels [i] and [u] also occur in final unstressed position, which means that EP has a four-way contrast, compared with the three- way contrast of BP, as shown below. Since these differences are purely phonetic and entail no meaningful contrasts, they need not concern us further. In EP pre-stressed vowels regularly undergo a phonological process called raisingo , which causes them to be articulated one level higher on the scale in Table 2.

Marisa Matias | Revolvy

Portuguese English. English vowels tend to be longer in open syllables than in syllables closed by a consonant. In the latter case the vowel tends to be shorter if the consonant is voiceless than if it is voiced. These differences can be noticed by comparing vowel length in triplets like tea, steed, steep. In BP, stressed vowels tend to be slightly longer than unstressed ones in monitored pronunciation; in casual pronunciation vowel length can vary considerably, depending on factors such as speech style or emphasis.

In some accents, such as Mineiro, stressed vowels can be rather drawled out. Variation in vowel length is a major difference between BP and EP, which, as pointed out earlier, shortens or even eliminates unstressed vowels, thus creating a series of consonants strung together. Another difference is that EP phones tend to be articulated with the tongue a bit retracted and raised, conditioning a somewhat velarized resonance Cruz-Ferreira that is lacking in BP.

Other differences relate to area of articulation. Unstressed English vowels tend to undergo lenitiono , a phonological process involving a softening of articulatory effort. The basic allophones of these phonemes are respectively the stops [p t k b d g]. English voiceless stops in syllable-initial position are released with a slight puff of air, called aspiration, which may be shown in transcription as a raised h [ph th kh ].

Thus absence of aspiration in Portuguese seemingly explains why English- speaking learners experience some difficulty distinguishing between Pg [p t k] and [b d g]. In EP, though not in BP, a slight degree of velarization is noticeable. As mentioned above, it is not unusual for two or more allophones to occur in the speech of the same speaker.

Every syl- lable has a nucleus N , which in Portuguese must be a vowel or a diphthong. Portuguese syllable types may be represented as in Table 2. The onset may have a single consonant C or a cluster of two specific con- sonants, C1 C2. As shown in Table 2. Phonetically, however, such a sequence is simply a nasal vowel. Phonotactic divergences between BP and EP account for minor differences in syllable structure. In EP consonant clusters other than those shown in Table 2.

The same goes for word-initial non-cluster sequences of the type C1 C2 V, such as pneu, pneumonia, psiquiatra, gnomo, which become C1 V — C2 V, as in the examples below:.

Marisa Matias

A word-final consonant forms a new syllable by linking with the initial vowel of the following word. The occurrence of two vowels over a word boundary may have differ- ent results Bisol , We will consider only a few cases. Table 2. Stress, mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, is the phonetic correlate of shifts in articulatory and respiratory intensity, caused by increased muscular activity during the production of a given syllable relative to neighboring syl- lables.

Monosyllables uttered in isolation cannot be said to have stress. There are also cases of stress on the fourth syllable from the last. In BP, this includes words with a consonant sequence such as pt or tn, which, as noted earlier 2. Such secondary stress is variable and more likely to occur when emphasis is intended. Pitch is the auditory correlate of the frequency of vibration of the vocal cords, and physiologically, it relates to the degree of tension of the cords as they vibrate. In Portuguese as in English, pitch variation plays a distinctive role at sentence level, combining with stress to create melodic contours, referred to as intonation, which signal whether an utterance is a statement, a question, or a command.

Unfortunately, of all the aspects of prosody, it is the least amenable to verbal description, and full control of intonation in a foreign language can only be acquired by carefully listening to and imitating appropriate models. A few generalizations, however, can be made. Pitch variations in Portuguese have traditionally been described in terms of three levels, labeled low 1 , mid 2 , and high 3 Staub , Rameh , Ellison and Gomes de Matos , Azevedo a.

An extra high 4 level is associated with emphasis. In English tempo patterns involve the alternation of stressed and unstressed syllables. Other lan- guages use different units, such as short vs. Languages used to be classified as having either syllable-timed rhythm like Italian or Spanish or stress-timed rhythm like English or Dutch. Some phoneticians, however, have pointed out that language comparison fails to support such a dichotomy. Nooteboom and Ladefoged suggested that whether a language has variable or fixed stress is more important as far as characterizing rhythm is concerned.

The traditional view of syllable-timed rhythm has to do with a relatively even distribution of stressed and unstressed syllables of approximately the same duration. Stress-timed rhythm, in turn, involves distribution of stressed syllables along even intervals, with the unstressed syllables clustered between two stresses. While consensus has yet to be reached, scholars agree that EP belongs to the stress-timed type Cruz-Ferreira Whilst a comparison of sufficiently large samples of the two varieties of Portuguese has yet to be carried out, it is apparent that striking differences in rhythm patterns obtain between them.

In BP differences in duration between stressed and unstressed syllables seem linked to emphasis. In EP, on the con- trary, unstressed vowels are systematically shorter than stressed ones and may be deleted in unmonitored speech, causing rhythm to be stress-timed. How meaning-bearing phone sequences are organized is the subject of morphology, which will occupy us in the next chapter.

Are they single words or combinations of two or three words? In words like car- ros or senhores, we recognize two formants. The morpheme plural, for instance, has the allomorph -s in casas, carros and. We will use boldface to distinguis mor- phemes from words as necessary.

Like morphemes, words are either grammatical or lexical. Nouns with other endings, as in the following examples, belong to either gender. Even though nouns referring to animals do not constitute a morphologi- cal category, they illustrate how varied gender representation is. Adjective gen- der inflection follows a few general rules, though there are exceptions.

Since this change in vowel quality cannot be predicted, words of one type or another have to be learned individually. For other endings, there are some general norms but exceptions exist. Table 3. The plural of nouns and adjectives is formed on the singular according to regular rules, with some exceptions. Grammar manuals prescribe one or another, but there is no definitive study on actual usage. The definite article is usually anaphoric, i. The demonstratives est-, ess-, aquel- form a three-point system to signal what is near the speaker est- , near the hearer ess- , or distant from both aquel-.

Demonstratives show gender by the endings -e, -a and have regular plural formation. The demonstratives isto, isso, aquilo, on the other hand, refer to an object or an aggregate that has been mentioned or that is apparent from the context. Two tendencies of BP should be noticed.

Definite articles o os a as Indefinite articles um uns uma umas Demonstratives este estes esta estas isto esse esses essa essas isso aquele aqueles aquela aquelas aquilo Possessives P1sg meu meus minha minhas P2sg teu teus tua tuas P3sg, P3pl seu seus sua suas P1pl nosso nossos nossa nossas P2pl vosso vossos vossa vossas. Aquele meu guarda-chuva velho sumiu.

E aquele seu? What about that one of yours?

Entenda: por que o 5G é tão revolucionário?

This array cov- ers all possibilities, but in actual usage it is restructured in ways that will be commented on in Chapter 7. Third person pronouns, singular as well as plural, inflect for gender with both the subject and direct object, and for number alone with the indirect object. Prepositional mim comigo ti contigo si consigo conosco convosco si consigo EP connosco Direct me te o, lo, no m. Third person pronouns subject direct object indirect object ele, ela o, a lhe eles, elas os, as lhes. A Mara e o Joaquim chegaram ontem. Other verbs have five do does did done doing , four come comes came coming , three put puts putting , two can could or just one ought must.

By contrast, most Portuguese verbs have several dozen forms, neatly arrayed in six-packs called tenses. Despite such morphological luxuriance, they are quite systematic and can be mastered with a bit of perseverance and time. In this section we will cover the main aspects of verb tense formation. A verb is referred to and listed in dictionaries by its citation form, the infinitive, which shows the theme vowel followed by the infinitive marker -r, and so we refer to -ar, -er, and -ir verbs.

The historical reason for this is mentioned in section 5. The endings of the -er and -ir conjugations overlap somewhat, and most irregular verbs have tenses that form regular subsets. It also leads a ghost existence in certain formal oratorical styles or as the prescribed epistolary form in the Brazilian military. Furthermore, familiarity with these forms helps one understand older literary texts. The theme T includes the stem, which carries the lexical meaning, plus one of the theme vowels a, e, i. The tense—mood desinence TMD identifies the tense and the mood, and the person—number desinence PND assigns a verb form to one of the persons of discourse.

This is exemplified in Table 3. Some forms lack one or more of these formants, and a handful of high-frequency irregular verbs will be dealt with in 3. Although tenses are used to refer to time, their actual chronological value is rather flexible, and names such as present or future should be regarded primarily as identificatory labels. Verb tenses are grouped into three categories called moods, namely indicative, subjunctive, and imperative. There are also three non-finite or uninflected tenses, viz. In verbs with the infinitive in -ar, the theme vowel TV is -a throughout, but in verbs with the infinitive in -er or -ir, the theme vowel is either -e or -i, depending on the specific tense.

In uninflected forms the theme vowel remains constant cf. The gerund is invariable and the participle varies in gender and number in passive and passive-like constructions only 4. The infinitive is invariable, but it has an inflected counterpart Table 3. For regular verbs, personal infinitive forms are identical to those of the future sub- junctive 3. P1sg fal-a-r com-e-r part-i-r P2sg fal-a-re-s com-e-re-s part-i-re-s P3sg fal-a-r com-e-r part-i-r P1pl fal-a-r-mos com-e-r-mos part-i-r-mos P2pl fal-a-r-des com-e-r-des part-i-r-des P3pl fal-a-r-em com-e-r-em part-i-r-em.

Brazilian artists and intellectuals felt they had a moral obligation to affirm the existence of a Brazilian nation that was more than just an outgrowth of Portugal; in order to affirm such a nation, they would first have to create it. The quality of the art produced in the country was always evaluated in function of whether, and how, it contributed to the ever-unfinished project of building Brazil.

No matter that this idealized vision of Indians came originally from Chateaubriand: all Brazilian intellectual fashions were French imports. In the last quarter of the 19th century, Realism, Symbolism, Parnassianism, and Naturalism all had followers, and literary quarrels particularly between the Parnassian establishment and the Symbolist underground were frequent. In this Frenchified atmosphere, however, a handful of writers were able to create works of literature that had genuine merit and were also unmistakably Brazilian, such as the poetry of Cruz e Sousa, by far our best Symbolist, and the fiction of the greatest writer in our canon, Machado de Assis.

Contrary to the official discourse, Brazil is and has always been a racist country, but certainly not where our literary canon is concerned. Though there had been stirrings of modernity in the previous generation, it all began — according to the standard history learned by schoolchildren throughout the country — with the mythical Modern Art Week of , the Brazilian equivalent of the Armory Show. The Modern Art Week marked the beginning of a half-century characterized by various isms, movements, defections and counter-movements.

During this revolutionary period, literary prizes and official recognition were often shunned, scathing reviews from established critics were flaunted like battle scars, and a disproportional share of the best poetry in Brazilian literary history got written. The mood of much of the great poetry of the period was frankly contrarian. To be a poet often implied being against a number of things. Concrete poetry was all about form-follows-function, about writing today the poetry of the future.

The Concretists were fiercely attacked by a number of enemies: the diehard defenders of traditional pre-Modernist poetry, for sure, but also by more than one rival tribe of avant-gardists, who believed that poetry should be revolutionary both in form and in ideological content. What Concretists and Praxists had in common was a rather dour, almost puritanical poetics, which saw subjectivism as the unforgivable sin: true poetry should be objectivist, cold, cerebral, and goal-oriented. This lively cultural scene was destroyed by AI The phenomenon soon spread to other cities.

What they mostly had in common was the fact that their poetry was in direct opposition to the dogmas of Concretism and other formalist movements: it was jokey, colloquial, unpretentious; it spoke of love affairs, partying, fear of the police, the joys and miseries of being young in a military dictatorship though this, of course, usually had to be expressed in figurative language. In its most lighthearted moments, it showed a countercultural streak reminiscent of North American flower power, but the prevailing oppressive political climate left deep marks on it.

Also, the Marginals, unlike the Concretists and the Praxists, were not trying to create the poetry of the future; their focus was on the here and now. Wrote Francisco Alvim:. My cokehead girlfriend seeks me out in the wee hours to say she loves me I gaze at the dark rings under her eyes as dark as the night out there. They did not believe there was a single formula for poetry to the exclusion of all others. From the Marginal period up to now, poets have been experimenting with a wide array of poetic devices; none is taboo, none is obligatory.

The choppy, highly enjambed free verse pioneered in English by William Carlos Williams is the form favored by most younger poets, but there is no longer any sense that free verse is de rigueur , that traditional metrical and stanzaic forms often used in creative, nonstandard ways necessarily imply a reactionary rejection of modernity.

Full disclosure: I was one of the And in some of the volumes, such as the one by Rubens Rodrigues Torres Filho, high and low diction, free verse and sonnets, philosophical musings and scatological humor, appeared side by side. This was how its enemies immediately understood things. Revolution and counter-revolution were the two different faces of this time, within which the thematic axes that form the structure for the programme of this Congress are also to be found intertwined.

Different generations of essayists and historians have turned their attention to the Revolution. Despite the considerable bibliography already existing about this event and its time, the commemoration of the bicentenary represents a challenge for reviewing the subject in the light of present-day historiography, as well as providing a stimulus for the presentation of new approaches and new perspectives of analysis.

Accordingly, we now present the academic community with the programme for the Congress, setting out the thematic panels that seem to us to be the most relevant. In each case, the presentation of the themes is the responsibility of the coordinators who were invited to organise the respective sessions. Those interested in submitting a proposal for a paper to be presented at the International Congress of the Bicentenary of the Revolution must complete the form available HERE and send it to the Congress secretariat cbr gmail.

The proposals must indicate the thematic panel under which the paper is to be presented. The description of the thematic panels is available HERE. All decisions relating to the acceptance of papers will be taken by the coordinators of the thematic panels, and applicants will be informed of the respective decision by 31 October The authors of accepted papers must deliver the text of their papers in accordance with rules to be established in due course by 31 May The final programme for the Congress will be established once the texts of the approved papers have been received.

Home Bicentenary of the Revolution de en es fr pt.